Trump and the Kremlin: the Largely Blackboard

By Nina Bachkatov

On 20 January, from their respective capitals, President Putin and President Zelensky congratulated President Trump on his inauguration. Both spoke of peace, albeit with differing qualifications: for the Ukrainian leader, a “just peace”; for the Russian, a “lasting peace”. Trump envisions dialogue between Washington and Moscow—not Kyiv and Brussels—as central to his approach. The new president views himself as a peacemaker, pointing to his success in pressuring the Israeli prime minister to agree to a ceasefire with Hamas as evidence that similar pressure on Zelensky could yield results. This is reflected in Putin’s remark that their dialogue should aim to “prevent a Third World War”.

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Assad In Moscow, the Unwanted Guest

By Nina Bachkatov

Russian President Vladimir Putin, during his annual televised Q&A session on 19 December, acknowledged that he had yet to meet Syrian President Bashar al-Assad but planned to do so soon. Putin dismissed speculation that the fall of the Assad regime represented a defeat for Russia or the loss of its military foothold on the Mediterranean. He conceded that the sudden collapse of Damascus without a fight had taken Russia by surprise but pointedly noted that this was true for all, including those preparing to engage not with a “democratic opposition” but with a group classified as a terrorist organisation.

On the same day, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky addressed Brussels, emphasising that only unified action by the EU, NATO, and the US could ensure Ukraine achieves “peace through strength.” His rhetoric reflected concerns over the EU’s ability to act decisively and the unpredictability of former US President Donald Trump, who could influence NATO and exert pressure on EU members through tariffs.

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War in Ukraine: a thousand days and counting

By Nina Bachkatov

Once again, the war in Ukraine is testing the “world order.” Left on their own, Ukrainian forces are not expected to resist beyond March 2025. The country faces a stark choice: secure greater international aid to sustain the fight or pursue an appeasement with security guarantees. For months, it has been clear that Ukraine is in dire straits. The Kursk offensive did not unfold as planned by President Zelensky, and both Russia and Ukraine are straining to recruit men and produce arms. Ukraine’s energy infrastructure is systematically being destroyed, leaving citizens without electricity and paralysing industrial production.

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Zelensky’s Diplomatic Offensive in the U.S.

By Nina Bachkatov

On 18 September, President Volodymyr Zelensky unveiled a “fully prepared” Victory Plan, marking his second political gamble in as many weeks. The first was the unexpected cross-border attack on Russia’s Kursk region, which reportedly caught even senior Ukrainian officials by surprise. This 10-point Victory Plan, more radical and uncompromising than the 4-point Peace Plan presented in February, adopts a “take it or leave it” approach towards Ukraine’s allies. Its contents will be “discussed” during a meeting with President Biden on 26 September, the focal point of Zelensky’s five-day tour of the United States.

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A disconcerting war summer

By Nina Bachkatov

July and August were anything but uneventful in the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia. The summer began poorly for Ukraine, yet by the end of August, Russian citizens were witnessing their refineries ablaze as far east as Omsk, while 120,000 people were evacuated from the Kursk region. Despite these setbacks, Russia’s advance in the Donbas continued, accompanied by relentless waves of missile and drone attacks on Ukraine, leaving entire regions without electricity for much of the day. In this fraught context, President Zelensky’s plan for a second Peace Conference in November has come under scrutiny. Initially envisioned to include a Russian delegation and representatives of the “Global South,” the feasibility of the conference now seems uncertain. Meanwhile, President Putin remains steadfast in portraying Russia as under attack by Ukrainian terrorists backed by NATO, cyclically emphasising Russia’s status as a nuclear superpower.

Even the optimists now fear that the cycle of destruction and death will persist, fueled by a growing thirst for revenge in both Ukrainian and Russian societies. Rationality appears only one part of the equation when considering the non-exhaustive list of this summer’s developments.

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The battlefield and political front: a shifting landscape

By Nina Bachkatov

The recent Russian offensive spanning the border between Belgorod and Kharkiv regions has ignited a flurry of discussions among Western observers, centering on terms like “strategic turn” and “historic shift.” These conversations gain particular significance against the backdrop of political upheavals in Moscow and Kyiv. However, the pivotal moment arrived from Washington. On April 21st, the US House of Representatives finally greenlit the long-delayed $61 billion aid package for Ukraine. Shortly thereafter, on May 14th, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken made a significant visit to Kyiv. President Biden’s swift enactment of the aid package, just three days after the congressional approval, fueled speculation about the quick deployment of American arms from European bases to Ukraine. Later, Blinken’s unexpected return on April 21st coincided with escalating Russian advances near Kharkiv.

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The Kremlin challenged in a Moscow suburb

Two weeks after the March 22 attack in Moscow, the official inquiry has yet to reach a conclusion. What is certain is that the assailants killed more than 143 people, either by shooting them at point-blank range or engulfing them in the fire they ignited. Four men have been brought before the court, their arrests shrouded in conflicting circumstances. In images captured within the tribunal, they appeared severely beaten, with one in a semi-comatose state. This unsettling scene not only raises questions about the methods of the Russian police but also suggests political motives in circulating such a degrading portrayal.

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